These portraits are memories, not fiction, and not
autobiography.
Memory is fallible and inadequate, but as the sole survivor of a
community which seems to me significant and characteristic of its time I must
use whatever store I have to tell its story.
The Prophet.
The first time I saw Fredrick Lohr he was
poised like a sea-captain confronting a mutinous crew from the deck of his
ship, voice pitched to cut through squalls. But he wasn't a sea-captain on the
bridge of a ship, he was on a platform in Hyde Park. It was a bright, blustery
day in 1941, not the most auspicious time to be asking prickly questions about
war, power, the conduct of governments, and the crisis in history, but that's
what he was doing.
It wasn't a harangue he was delivering but
something closer to an inquisition. He would pick on a particular heckler and
fix him with a penetrating gaze, leaning forward as if trying to pierce the
mask to reach the struggling infant inside. He would then submit the heckler's
words, attitudes and assumptions to mordant scrutiny. As a rule the heckler
reacted like a predator faced suddenly by a larger predator. He retreated
warily or in haste.
I don't remember how soon after this I got to
know Fredrick and learned his story, but this is it.
His father was a German who married an
Englishwoman and became a British citizen. In 1915 he joined the British Army.
As anti-German hysteria grew among civilians, the family suffered abuse from
neighbours. One day, when his father was on leave, a crowd gathered on the
stairs of the South London tenement, baying for blood. Fredrick's father came
out onto the landing in uniform and carrying a rifle. He threatened to blow the
head off the first person to take another step. No one did. Fredrick was five
or six years old at the time.
Lohr senior died in his forties and Fredrick
inherited a moribund garage business and no money. First through specialist
servicing and then through selling cars, he developed a thriving trade and
became a Lancia agent in London, spilling cash on hunting with hounds, motor
racing, and learning to fly an aeroplane. His favourite books were the novels
of R.S.Surtees, whose character Jorrocks rollicked through the shires with
huntsmen, trenchermen and bibbers.
Once, when in full flow, he noticed my wife
Gene in the crowd he paused, struck by inspiration. But instead of revealing an
immortal thought he told the joke from Surtees about the man at the inn who
asked what the weather was like outside. A fellow carouser pulled open the door
of a cupboard, peered in and reported 'Filthy dark and smells of cheese.' The
crowd received this news with respect and attention.
Fredrick married a capable, ambitious woman
who ran her own dress shop. They had a daughter who became an actress and
sometimes visited Fredrick, wearing an expression of tolerant detachment.
When, after ignoring reality for years, the
newspapers began to press alarm buttons about Hitler, crisis, and carry rumours
of war. Fredrick awoke to an odd thought. He had relatives in Germany. Were
they going to fight him? Did they want a war? He decided to find out.
What a crazy time to visit Germany, his wife
said. If Hitler wants a war, and the politicians can't avoid one, you can't
stop it. You're not attending properly to business now. Why waste time and
money on a trip which can bring no comfort and no solution?
They'll look at you like something the cat
forgot.
But Fredrick went. His relatives were warmly
hospitable, and fed him rich cakes. No, they told him, they didn't want a war.
In any case, they said, there wouldn't be one. How could there be? Hitler was a
great man who admired the English, and loved peace.
Fredrick returned home bewildered. If people
in Britain didn't want war, and people in Germany didn't want war, what sort of
system was it that allowed war to happen? He didn't believe that Hitler was a
great man who wanted peace, but he didn't believe, either, that British
politicians were wise man who knew how to avoid war. He didn't believe that any
of them had the interests of their own people at heart, or had any real idea
how to control events. Perhaps nobody can ever control events?
Perhaps
there was something behind events, some secret which you could never reach. Was
it all our fault, or God's? Or was everything a tissue of accident, and man a
lost animal?
He talked to customers, friends, business
acquaintances, taximen, horse-trainers, shopkeepers, bankers, everybody. He
tormented people for information they didn't have, and for thoughts they had
never bothered to think. He read books on politics, economics, history and
social philosophy. The only writers who struck home were Kierkegard,
Dostoevsky, Nietzsche, and the Russian thinker Berdyaev, who managed to be at
the same time a Christian and an anarchist.
Fredrick grew increasingly lonely and
agitated. He could not sleep. He went for walks at night through streets
populated only by cats, drunks and the homeless. He felt cut off from the world
he had known. It was no longer a real world, but a dream. He felt ignorant,
helpless, like a novice swimmer splashing in a rough sea.
He could not navigate through a single day
blown by a fair warm wind. He would start a conversation in one mood and end it
in another. He would swing in minutes from being talkative, forceful, decisive,
to being withdrawn, brooding and sunk in silence. His wife began to lose
patience.
One day, when pacing sombrely between tall
buildings which frowned over him like a threat, he was struck alive by a poster
demanding 'Why war?' Since this was the single question to which he most wanted
a practical answer, he strode into the placarded building and emerged fifteen
minutes later a member of the Peace Pledge Union, armed with a pamphlet and the
information that a PPU speaker held forth every Sunday afternoon in Hyde Park.
Fredrick went that Sunday to Speakers'
Corner. A well-known pacifist priest was stating his position with sober
confidence and Fredrick began to believe that perhaps he wasn't entirely alone
after all.
But when the priest finished, a young
idealist in corduroy trousers, with long hair and an expression of arrogant
timidity took his place. The crowd was immediately hostile. If they or their
brothers and sons would have to join the Army and get shot, why should this
weedy youth escape? Who was he to tell them what to do?
There were then - and probably still are -
ruthless and highly skilled hecklers whose hobby it was to harry and destroy
speakers in Hyde Park. Once they got a victim on the run they chased him down
with the concentration of a stoat after a rabbit. There was rich sport in
baiting a novice whose delivery was hesitant and whose arguments under pressure
became increasingly confused. The pack closed in for the kill. Every effort the
stricken speaker made to marshal his thoughts was greeted with ribaldry, one
heckler inciting another to feats of mocking abuse.
In a final effort to gain some sort of
control, the speaker raised his voice to what he hoped would be a commanding
bellow, and produced instead a despairing squeak. A gale of laughter blew him
away. He turned his back, fighting tears.
Fredrick took off, barging his way through
the crowd like a Rugby forward going for the line. He pulled the floundering
youth down from the platform and leapt up in his place, a six-foot sea- captain
looming above an astonishment of flushed faces.
He didn't have to find words, words found
him, and fired themselves at the crowd. He denounced them individually and
collectively for malice, ignorance and stupidity. Were they so afraid of the
opinions of a harmless youth that they had to attack him like wild dogs? Would
any of them have the courage to stand up and face a hostile mob in defence of
an unpopular cause. The boy was trying to confront real problems at a time of
crisis and all they could do was play cruel games in the nursery.
He began to describe the conflicts and
contradictions which plagued his own mind, and how the coming war tormented his
conscience. He challenged each member of the audience to face them too. Where
was the truth? What was to be done? As he spoke he realised with amazement that
he was saying what the authentic hidden Fredrick would have said if he had
known how, and that the crowd had fallen silent. It was as if he were suddenly
aware of the world, of everything around him, in a new way, alight with
meaning. He had a sensation of tingling vitality.
When he fell quiet the crowd waited in equal
quietness. A drunk, slow to pick up the change of mood, tried to raise a shout.
The surrounding charge of anger sent him shuffling off into exile.
Fredrick knew with the clarity of sunlight on
a startled lawn that he had found his vocation. This was why he was alive: to
discover the hidden currents that move people and events and share what he had
seen with those who would respond. There was no turning back.
From then on he spoke regularly in the Park
and at Lincoln's Inn Fields. He hired a room in Endsleigh Gardens for an indoor
gathering which became known as the London Forum, and kept up its work for
twenty years.
When the war began his business died. Who
wanted a Lancia when there was no petrol, no signposts, and nowhere to go? How
could you import them, anyway? How was he to earn a living? Fredrick wrote
later: 'Only in the utter acceptance of complete material insecurity can a
man remain faithful to his vision' - a dictum easier to explain to the
marines than to his wife.
Collections were made at his meetings; people
approached him at the Forum and offered him money. Whenever he lost faith,
economic difficulties followed; when faith revived, cash came in. This way of
life offended his wife's dignity and common sense. They lost friends and her
own business suffered. She left, taking their daughter.
It was not long after this that agents
provocateurs managed to incense the crowd to the point of fracas. Fredrick
found himself in court charged with breach of the peace. He served three months
in Wormwood Scrubs. His account of the experience concentrated entirely on the
ingenious efforts of fellow-prisoners to smuggle food to a man in solitary
confinement.
By the time I met him, Fredrick had moved
from straight pacifism to the position of a thoroughgoing philosophical
anarchist. He published a booklet, 'The Philosophy of Freedom', in which he
wrote: 'Vocation must replace wage slavery, voluntary co-operation must
replace governmental coercion, and so security will supplant insecurity. We
must find again joy in activity. There is no other meaning in life. Man was
once bound to the social herd by force of necessity, language has freed his
personality from social compulsion. Now we must return by desire to a social
community of free people.' But how?
Although Fredrick's views changed drastically
as time passed, his sense of the necessity for freedom and vocation, and his
sense of the meaning of history were the fundamental issues for him until the
end of his life. In 1941 he wrote:
'All social issues narrow down to this
conflict between authority and liberty. . . No government, whether it be the
domination of one man over another, or of the State over the people, can
exercise authority if it has no power to enforce submission to its rule.
Therefore all authority in the final analysis proceeds from the threat of
violence.' He was calling for a society growing naturally from the simple
to the complex by the voluntary co-operation of free individuals.
His contacts with Spanish anarchist refugees
from the civil war in Spain, led him to believe that Spanish experience showed
this to be possible. But the influential anarcho-syndicalist movement in Spain
had been crushed by Franco, and never achieved equal strength anywhere else.
Fredrick became obsessed by a sense of the
inescapable loneliness of the human ego, which gave rise to all the
unanswerable questions in human life, and he was convinced that the desire for
power is itself the result of inner isolation.
His pilgrimage was an arduous one, and the
Forum changed as he changed, concentrating on methods of transcending the ego
to reach a state of objectivity and inner liberation, continually lost and
regained. Fredrick was not an obvious candidate for arrival at this state, but
it was his insatiable need to drive further that gave the Forum such intense
vitality for so long. It is notable that Fredrick?s concentration on Western
preoccupation with history made him indifferent to the meditation philosophies
of the East.
It must have been early in the war years that
Fredrick met the mysterious Brown - a perfect name for a man in the shadows.
Perhaps Brown sought him out after hearing him in the Park.
Brown's own story was remarkable. He joined
the Army in the First World War, and remained an unthinking and enduring
soldier on the Western Front until one day, entirely normal in its bleak
routine, he found himself sitting alone in the back of a truck carrying
supplies to a forward depot. I say 'found himself because that's precisely what
took place. One moment he was slumped in a state of weary torpor, the next he
was startlingly awake and aware of his surroundings. He took in with a sense of
revelation the blasted, desolate landscape with its blackened trees, shattered
buildings and muddy craters, the lorry crawling like a lost insect on the
rutted road. The whole area of madness, the enormous stagnant armies, the
deluded Generals imagining that they could control events, the vast
paraphernalia of war, and his own terrifying inner isolation from it all,
struck home with painful, stark intensity. He realised as if a blazing word had
been spoken that all these people were moving and planning and suffering in
their sleep, that he too had been asleep and was now awake. He jumped off the
back of the truck and out of participation in the war. Whatever happened, he
was now no longer under orders. How he escaped court-martial, and how he
survived the rest of the war I don't know, but here he was in London, in 1941,
still walking and still speaking in very few words only what he felt to be
necessary at the time.
I met Brown, a grizzled Scot, only once, and
learned how simple and infallible his method was. He would address to you a
pointed and definite statement, looking you coldly in the eye, and wait for
your response. If it was not satisfactory he would say 'Either you see it or
you don't', and if you didn't, he left. Each of us sees only what he is ready
to see; a phrase may be forgotten and years after it was said it comes alive in
the mind to reveal meaning.
In a letter of 1949 Fredrick took exception
to something I had written in an obituary article on Wilfred Ward Coupe (of
whom more later). He thought I had over-emphasised the influence Coupe had in
the London Forum, and on Fredrick himself. He set out to insist on his debt to
Brown:
'I react resentfully against any
suggestion, however faint,' he wrote, 'that Coupe was the brains or the
ideological spearhead of the forum. This merit, if it is merit, belongs to
Brown, and Coupe's interest in the forum was due to something he recognised and
acknowledged in me and which I received from Brown and have tried to expound. .
.'
Perhaps.
Coupe's contribution was
scholarship, irony, a frame of reference. Fredrick's gradual movement away from
humanist anarchism towards religious belief and then to the Catholic Church was
not Brown's doing, and as a typical Coupian irony it was not Coupe's either.
Coupe was a practising Catholic, but advised Fredrick not to join the Church
because, he said, it would destroy his vocation.
My guess is that Brown's esoteric view of
history saw religious institutions as instruments for power and control rather
than for liberation and enlightenment. What then was his revelation? Since I
never heard him expound it, I can only suggest this, from secondary evidence:
that there is a hidden current in history which will only reveal itself to the
most penetrating and steady observation, and that this observation can only
take place when the ego has freed itself from continual identification with
doctrines and opinions which it has adopted for purposes of
self-aggrandisement, and for which it has no authentic inner justification.
Brown looked at events with a peculiar coldness of gaze, and saw an irrevocable
tendency towards greater centralisation and control. Those whose aim it is to
achieve world unity and to build man in a particular image (who are not the
politicians who delude themselves that they manipulate events) correspond to
Dostoevsky's view of the Grand Inquisitor, who saw his duty as protecting
ordinary human beings from reality by refusing them freedom. This explains
Fredrick's ongoing concern with that formidable apparition.
Speaking personally, I suspect that esoteric
explanations of historical development are highly suspect, and that life is a
great deal more complex than any rational explanation of it.
One regular attender at Fredrick's indoor
meetings was Molly Warner, the determined daughter of an Anglo-Irish clergyman,
who always remained precisely that, even when running a house frequented by
failed priests, seekers, anarchists, nihilists, neurotics, the miserable, the
frenetic, the desperate, the lonely, and the lost.
Molly looked like a Renaissance madonna,
douce, quiet and self-contained, but in fact she was deeply emotional, with a
steely will. When her mind was made up, nothing and no one could shake her
resolve. Once she had begun one of her rare discourses, interruption could not
turn her aside. She would simply repeat the mantra 'You see," and carry on
where she left off.
Fredrick gained in Molly his most dedicated
supporter and his most formidable opponent. After his divorce from his first
wife Fredrick and Molly were married.
In 1941 and 1942 I was a member of the
Friends' Ambulance Unit, which I had left University to join, and worked during
the day in the Receiving Room at Poplar Hospital, and in the evening at two
Docklands Air Raid Shelters, one at each end of the Silvertown Bridge, each
with a Boys' Club, one Catholic and one Anglican, both of which I was meant to
superintend. I did this with notable inefficiency, but enjoyed playing chess
with the Vicar. I never met the priest.
I moved then to work in the TB Ward at
Bethnal Green Hospital, an institution from which patients only emerged feet
first, moving from bed to bed as their condition worsened until they reached
the door.
Finally I was occupied during the day at the
Citizens' Advice Bureau in Whitechapel, my main job being to trace the
whereabouts of bombed families who were being sought by friends or relatives.
When found they had to consent to the information being revealed in case the
seekers were creditors or worse. Responsibilities included being asked to
rescue a beloved hat from a wardrobe perched on the second floor of a house
from which a bomb had removed the entire side-wall. The wardrobe was in a
distressed and drunken state. Since I was riding a bicycle back to base the
only place to carry the hat was on my head, and a passing policeman opened his
mouth to shout as I swept round the corner and vanished.
The Citizens' Advice Bureau was run by two
distinguished Communists, one who resembled a brisk and downright retired
Colonel, and one whose motherly benevolence calmed many a bewildered pensioner.
I gained for them both real affection and respect and they treated me with
astonishing kindness.
While working in Whitechapel I was among FAU
members stationed at the London Hospital Students' Hostel. On several occasions
I brought anarchist speakers to this establishment - the saintly and
down-to-earth Matt Kavanagh, Bill Gape, organiser of the so-called Tramps'
Union, and Fredrick. Fredrick aroused more interest and debate than anyone
else. His integrity and total commitment produced the reaction, 'If this man
believes that. it must be worth considering.'
At one public meeting held, I think, in
Wigmore Hall, various left-wing mavericks did their best to inspire enthusiasm
for a new world beyond the war, and failed. Then Fredrick began pacing the
stage as if trying to contain the electric energy which burst out in sudden
spouts of words, something like this:
'Why are we here? What are we doing in the
middle of a war spouting rhetoric in a cold hall in a bombed city, when people
are killing each other all over the world? What's the war about? It's a war
between a murderous tyranny run by criminals and the complacent hypocrisy it's
got by the throat. What's the hidden evil behind this war and all wars? Power.
We're here to fight our own war against the delusions of power. People can seek
power in order to do good. But once power swallows them^all they work for is to
keep it. Why? '
'It's a craving. It's the Devil's trick.
The Devil tried it on Jesus. We've got to find a better way of organising so
that no one has enough power to do harm, and everyone has enough influence to
do good. '
'We're in a war, in darkness. We've got to
live in light. That's why we're here. Life can be a reign of terror, a
deception, a routine of dumb stupidity, a nightmare of loneliness. Or it can be
a rich and marvellous journey based on inner rules tested on your own
integrity. Where do they come from? From the seed we were born with. We know
what's true and what's false, we know what's right and what's wrong. When the
rules are lost, balance is lost, meaning is lost.?'
'I tell you this. Those rules are the
living delineations of beauty. We're here to break out of prison. We're here to
find out where we live, why we live, to discover the real world. Now! Wake up!
Freedom is real!'
After a moment of stunned silence there was a
storm of applause. Some sensational event seemed to have taken place but no one
could have told you what it was.
When the noise died down Herbert Read, the
anarchist poet, small, slight, neat and grey-haired, rose to his feet. 'What
we need,' he said, 'is grace.' And sat down again. No applause was
necessary.
Late in 1942 I decided to leave the FAU and
go to work in the coal-mines. First, I wanted to get married, and for that
needed a regular wage, which the FAU couldn't provide. Second, there was a
prolonged pause in the bombing of London, and I no longer felt useful. Third, I
wanted to find out whether the syndicalism preached by Spanish anarchists was
possible in Britain. Who better to tell me than coal-miners?
I went with Gene, my future wife, to see
Fredrick in Marchmont Street, where he and Molly rented a flat. Fredrick wrote
to Gene later, when she was recovering from polio, to tell her the effect she
had on him then: 'The glory of you filled that little room like a choir of
Blake's angels.'
Molly's sister Kate was there, at that time a
Communist as fiery as her red hair, enthusiastically devoted to an entirely
theoretical working-class, and the idea of propaganda in industry. She gave me
vigorous support, whether I liked it or not.
Fredrick didn't want me to go. He proposed to
set up an agricultural community in Wales, and hoped we would join. Since I had
only just managed to persuade a Tribunal to change my condition of service as a
conscientious objector from work with the FAU to work in the coal-mines, I
wasn't anxious to return for another bout. Besides, I didn't believe that the
project would work, and it would certainly do nothing to hasten our marriage.
Gene was not yet twenty-one, and how could we sell a community of eccentrics
and no salary to her parents?
Fredrick insisted that I could achieve
nothing in the coal-mines and would end disillusioned. I went anyway, and in
October 1943 Gene and I were married in the Registrar's Office in Ilkeston,
Derbyshire. I didn't end disillusioned, I ended with a discharge from the mines
because of a recurring and debilitating flu-like illness.
I'm not sure now whether the community in
Wales ever got started, but if it did, it didn't last as long as my sojourn in
the coal-mines.
While I was away Fredrick's ferocious debate
with himself led him in the unlikely direction of the Catholic Church. He
undertook a stay in Hawkesyard Priory. According to the journal he kept at the
time, he took immediately to the Prior, who was young, intellectual, and
sympathetic. But after the initial interview, the Prior did not appear again,
and within days Fredrick's mood had slumped. He found the priests pleasant and
polite, with an entirely conventional attitude to the war, and burst out in his
journal: 'My very soul cries out that the touchstone of truth lies in one's
attitude to this war.' As his mood sank lower he began to doubt his own
intuitions.
'Maybe my vision of Christ is wrong. Yet I
find no beatitude in this transcendent God. . .Can I see Jesus plotting and
conspiring with financiers and politicians? No. Can I see Jesus eating with
publicans and sinners? Yes.'
He was particularly incensed by their
condemnation of the Spanish anarchists because they desecrated churches, while
being quite happy to support Stalinists because they were allies in the war.
'War is a spiritual affair,' he wrote,
'an irruption of disintegrated, disillusioned and vengeful spirit. . This
frustrated vitality concentrates in unconscious hatred against the drab,
colourless insignificance of modern mechanised society. . . Oh, war manifests
spirit all right. Spirit frustrated in its drive for vocation and purpose. I am
quite sure conscience cannot cope with it.'
And this was true. Conscience could not cope
with it. I knew of men who willingly joined the Army, then found themselves
struck by a crisis of conscience, refused orders, and ended in the glass-house.
Their superior officers could not understand their position. Surely they knew
that Hitler was evil and had to be stopped? Yes, they knew that. But war too
was a fundamental evil. What was to be done? I knew too of men who obtained
exemption from military service on grounds of conscience, and then were driven
by spiritual unease to enlist, only to find themselves unbearably distressed by
the role of combatant. A woman of good-will asked me during the war, 'How
can an intelligent young man like you, who cherishes freedom, refuse to fight
the Nazis?' I could only reply, 'Somebody must.'
Fredrick wrote later: 'If I really have no
vocation - if there is no work I must do - then nothing seems to matter. I live
and have reality only insofar as the work is there. . . I do believe that if I
could only free myself from the idea (or perhaps it is egoistic obsession) of
vocation - I could find a useful life.'
But he didn't believe that in his heart.
When I was invalided out of the coal-mines
and Gene and I returned to London, we took a basement flat in Kentish Town and
I had a job as Citizens' Advice Bureau organiser, advising people how to claim
for war damage.
Rockets had begun to fall on London. V1s,
known as buzz-bombs, were cigar-shaped unmanned weapons which drowned over like
devilish wasps, suddenly cut out, crashed and exploded. If you could watch them
and note the cut out point, you could guess where they would explode, and
shift.
On one bus trip in the East End the
conductress stood on the boarding platform, leaning from the upright rail
watching the sky, and shouting to the driver 'stop' or 'go', according to the
cut out.
After a month or two Fredrick told us he had
found a three-storey house in Paddington, and would take it on if we would
share the rent. Molly and Fredrick would be responsible for the lower floors,
and we for top floor and attics. We agreed. That's how we got to Westbourne
Terrace, and set up the nest of anarchists.
170 Westbourne Terrace
No 170 was at the
wrong end of Westbourne Terrace. The respectable part of the thoroughfare
linked Kensington Gardens with the Harrow Road. Kensington Gardens, home of
Peter Pan's statue, was respectable and douce, the Harrow Road workaday and
raffish. The other side of the Harrow Road was urban wilderness. That's where
we lived, behind Paddington Station. The area should have been known as 'Lower
Westbourne Terrace.'
Lower Westbourne Terrace
was demolished in the 1960s. It is impossible now even to imagine where it
might have been. The houses have gone, the road has gone, the entire
neighbourhood has gone, the relationship between neighbourhoods has gone. All
that can be said is that once upon a time it existed somewhere between the
Harrow Road and what has since become the opulent enclave of Little Venice. It
was not an opulent enclave then. Its denizens tended to slink about after dusk
beside a refuse-laden canal.
On the corner of
Lower Westbourne Terrace amid an even more raffish street which contained a
Welsh Dairy and an off-licence, stood a pig-bin with its lid set at a rakish
angle, overflowing with rubbish. On the wall behind the bin a local satirist
had chalked a portrait of the contemporary hero known as Chad - sausage-nose
and two eyes peering over a horizontal line - underneath the legend 'Wot, no
pigs?' Chad lifted morale by asking 'Wot no' this and 'Wot no' that all over
the country, his script written by hundreds of anonymous chalkers.
Behind the wall
was an ex-garden of trampled mud and a bombed house boarded up and peeling.
Glass was scattered tactically, paper bags blew about. A dog like a threadbare
hearthrug lay slumped in the gutter. Ladies in hair-curlers and carpet-slippers
shuffled in and out of the off licence bearing jugs or bottles.
No 170 was one of
a row of tall, rundown houses built in the late 19th Century in the hope that
they would be taken to resemble those l8th Century crescents in Bath. The
basement flat was occupied by a railwayman, his Irish wife and three pale
children. Once, when the lights failed and we knew the parents were out, we
ventured into the basement with a torch and found the children cowering
together in the dark.
The ground floor
entrance was a passage-way leading to are inner door and a flight of stone
stairs. It was supplied with one of those light-switches which are
designed to turn themselves off at the most inconvenient moment. You pressed a
flabby rubber button and fled for the inner door, evading if possible the
parked bicycle. The light died with the ghostly shadow of a sound as you groped
for the handle.
The rooms on the
first floor consisted of a kitchen and a bedroom off the landing, then a living
room off the second landing ten stairs later. The living room was immensely
tall with scrolls of plaster flowers on the ceiling. French windows opened onto
a balcony which it would have been unwise for more than one Italian tenor to
occupy at a time. It was visited regularly by Mickey the extremely mongrel
terrier who liked to bark frenziedly at anyone wearing overalls. These rooms
were inhabited by Fredrick and Molly.
Off the third
landing were two square rooms with sash windows, where perched ex-Dominican
monk Anthony Elenjimittam, and ex-physicist Cecil Smelt.
Our bedroom and
sitting room were above these, and on the top floor the kitchen crouched
under a skylight, and two attics had access to the wide lead-lined gutters
through tiny hinged windows. You could sit and sunbathe in the gutters because
there was a low wall to prevent you from sliding into air.
These attic
rooms during 1945 were occupied at one time or another by Andre Wendt, deeply
pacific German anarchist just out of Wormwood Scrubs; Stephen Peet, then still
a member of the FAU but drawn and maigre after years in a German
prisoner-of-war camp; Alfred Perles, man of all nationalities and none,
released from the Pioneer Corps; and writer John Atkins, temporarily AWOL from
the Army.
The Cherub
Fredrick had been
accustomed to cite Anthony Elenjimittam as an authority on certain religious
and philosophical topics long before the quoted scholar - small, plump,
cherubic, and full to the brim with innocent benevolence - took up residence at
170 Westbourne Terrace.
Anthony was born
in Goa, the Catholic region of India originally colonised by the Portuguese. He
entered the Dominican Order as if in the course of nature. He had completed his
novitiate and was studying in England when some accidental encounter with Hindu
literature led him for the first time to take an interest in the nationalism
then rampant in his homeland. The encounters with London expatriates which
followed set his whole way of life trembling. At last the bubble burst and by
the time he took over a room on the second floor, Anthony had left the Order
and was earning his bread as a clerk.
You could not have
guessed from his conversation that he was still a Catholic and a Thomist. His
discourses on religion were florid, confusing, and all-embracing. His head
teemed with golden abstractions, an amalgam of Hindu scriptures, Buddhist
philosophy, and Christian theology, concepts from one tradition flung in
pell-mell with those from another. It was as if instead of contemplating the
realities on which the traditions were based, and the insights they share,
Anthony had floated on a tide of universal good-will to an island where he was
building a religious Tower of Babel.
All the more
surprising, then, when on one occasion he interrupted the disquisition of a
wild enthusiast for something or other by saying, 'Would it be helpful if I
explained what St. Thomas had to say on this point?' and ticked off a series of
logical steps on his pale brown fingers.
His intervention
was even more effective when he made use of the technique learned from
engagement with 'medieval disputation'. Presenting his victim with a syllogism,
he induced a reply which elicited yet another syllogism until the victim fell
into a hole and disappeared. His manipulation of this tool was accompanied by
much benevolent glittering of spectacles.
He took me once to
meet a Professor Ganguly, who had become his Britannic guru. The professor
proved to be an urbane authority on English literature, and the conversation
was mainly concerned with the qualities and shortcomings of D.H. Lawrence.
Anthony looked on, beaming his blessings on civilization and all who sailed in
her.
The furniture of
Anthony's room consisted of a bed, a wobbly cupboard and a full set of the
Encyclopaedia Brittanica. He sat on the short pile while eating off the taller
one. Crumbs were scattered on the uncarpeted floor as an offering to the mice.
This generosity was not popular with Molly.
He bought a primus
stove on which to cook, but had no idea how to set about the job. He would call
up the stairs to Gene asking what to do with the egg in one hand and the pan in
the other in order to produce an omelette.
Anthony was
inclined when flush with money to spend it on unnecessary gadgets. He would buy
the latest safety razor rather than a chair to sit on. He never needed to use
the razor because his round face was completely hairless.
Every chance
encounter was a great adventure to Anthony. He came home one night speechless
with excitement because he had talked to a bus conductress in a pub.
He set off to work
every morning dressed in a dark suit, and riding a bicycle. To do this even
without an umbrella would have been hazardous enough, since he was never sure
on which side of the road to wobble, but armed with an umbrella as an aid he
found it almost impossible. He would either drop the umbrella or prod it
inadvertently among the spokes, causing a general collapse, from which he
extricated himself with amiable bewilderment. Once fully launched, he tacked
like a yachtsman in a gale. The prayer went up 'Heaven help him on the Harrow
Road', and Heaven must have done so, because he survived.
The Nihilist
Cecil Smelt, who
occupied the next room to Anthony, looked upon him with satirical amusement. He
reported that if you poked your head round the door and cried 'God!'
Anthony floated up to the ceiling. Cecil was not accustomed to crying
'God!' except to achieve this result.
He began to attend
the Forum after hearing Fredrick in the Park. He saw Fredrick's desperate
pursuit of truth and certainty as a form of entertainment. For him there was
neither fundamental truth nor any prospect of certainty. Even doubt was
doubtful.
He enjoyed
analysing into sub-atomic particles the statements and opinions of all those
Forum members and attenders who could be induced to utter them. He then
examined the self-deceptions which caused the disputants to hold those views in
the first place. The pleasure he derived was similar to the pleasure others
might gain from weeding a garden.
In September 1945
Cecil gave a lecture to the Forum, which Fredrick summarised like this: 'We
were told that it was useless to search for meaning and value in our knowledge
of the universe. Neither science nor philosophy, working from phenomena and the
experience of relationships, can provide us with proof that nature has a
purpose. The universe cannot explain itself - and it cannot, ex hypothesi, be
explained by anything outside itself. This is a fact, it was emphasised, if we
are honest, we must accept. . . knowledge is analysis, and both word and matter
analyse to nothing. Life, for all its richness and vitality, remains clothed in
mystery.' It is easy to see why Fredrick found Cecil so useful. He was a
starting point. Personally, I found Cecil's ruthlessness refreshing.
In another lecture
Cecil said that 'The play of assessment and merit constitute the make-up and
activity of consciousness, for without these indications of worth,
consciousness would suffer collapse into apathetic inertia and final
extinction.'
Cecil himself had
ceased to be interested in playing the game of assessment and merit. As a
result there were periods during which his consciousness did indeed collapse
into apathetic inertia. He could lie in bed all day because there was no
conceivable purpose in getting up. He could live for weeks without making any
moral judgement either on his own or other people's conduct. A sceptic may
doubt everything, including reason, but a nihilist lives in meaninglessness.
The intellect succeeds in destroying each perception of possible meaning as it
occurs, while the ego is exhausted and impotent, yet still functions
sufficiently to preserve itself. The result is a kind of selfish
selflessness.
Cecil earned his
living by marking physics papers for a crammer's college, although he regarded
the theories of contemporary physics as mathematical constructs which could not
be said in any meaningful sense to represent reality. He provided the proof
that analysis is a tool which psychologically destroys the body of the world.
Yet the body remains obstinately and enigmatically alive, fleas and all. And
the world functions.
Cecil did not look
on first acquaintance in the least like a man who lives in such a state of
deprivation. Dark, of medium height, with a square, rather heavily handsome
face, and an easy, saturnine manner, he could laugh at jokes, didn't take drugs
or get drunk, and would join in any lively conversation. He left work until the
last moment, and then laboured night and day to complete it. This was no real
hardship as he preferred to live at night, and often walked to Lyons' Corner
House, Marble Arch, for a cup of coffee at three a.m. Coupe, Fred Perles and I
joined him once, and spent an hour trying in vain to find any worthwhile book
which Coupe hadn't read. Cecil's own reading could be surprising. I found him
thoroughly enjoying C.S.Lewis's 'Screwtape Letters' for its acute analysis of
the workings of the ego, while entirely distrusting the lessons Lewis was
intending to draw from it.
Cecil enjoyed the
eccentric and meticulous scholarship of the predatory Coupe. He and Coupe
became incompatible allies - to call them 'friends' would be to redefine the
word - but they balanced and played off each other in a manner beneficial to
the Forum insofar as it was a truth-finding organisation. The titles of the
lectures they gave when Fredrick hired the Alliance Hall, Westminster, for a
series of public discussions may give some idea of their different
perspectives.
Fredrick himself
revealed his commitment, over-riding concerns, and state of soul, by
contributing 'The Problem of Loneliness', 'Freedom and Charity',
and 'Loneliness and Sanctitiy.'
Cecil's talks were
called 'Nihilism and Intellectual Honesty' and 'Word and Scientific Symbol.'
They could not be readily taken in on a first hearing, but when studied on the
page proved to be so precisely phrased as to make misunderstanding
perverse.
Coupe's first
lecture, on the other hand, announced as 'Staudenmeir and the Reversibility
of Perception' was typical in that no one present had heard of Staudenmeir
and to most this German savant remained impenetrable. I have never encountered
his name since. I found each paragraph as delivered very intriguing, but could
not now give any idea of how his perceptions had been reversed, or what Coupe
actually said about the process. Gene tells me that it did something to explain
the nature of apparitions.
On another
occasion Coupe launched into 'Nietzsche and the Reversal of Values', a
popular subject with the Forum because whatever else he may have been,
Nietzsche was a brilliant psychologist who analysed better than anyone else the
ability of the ego to deceive itself. As can be seen, Coupe was fond of
reversing things.
Cecil was
dangerously attractive to women. Each one in turn hoped to fill a vacuum. Since
his actions could be physically positive but psychologically negative, the
results were usually disastrous. He attached no value to ideas of permanence in
relationships, and might vanish at any moment like a shadow when the sun goes
in. You could never rely on Cecil's sun shining, no matter how bright the day.
At least one of his girl-friends tried suicide. Midge threw herself out of a
window and broke her fall on a dustbin, surviving with severe bruises.
Soon after the end
of the war in Europe, Cecil took Midge to Cornwall for a holiday, more as an
acceptance of the inevitable, I imagine, than a gesture of contrition. After
they had been there for a few days and he reported favourably about the sands,
rocks and lodgings, we followed, staying in the same town. Cornwall in 1945 was
not rife with tourists, many of the bays were covered with barbed-wire and
overlooked by concrete pill-boxes on the cliffs, but the pounding waves and
lively air were a burst of freedom after confinement in battered London.
Cecil might seem
an unlikely candidate for the post of lifeguard, but he saved us from drowning.
Until the day on which the North Cornish coast showed its teeth and the sky
turned dark we enjoyed the ripples of sunlight in clear pools, and the random
music made by water dripping on floating tins in a disused quarry.
On a clear day we
swam out towards nowhere, and only when we began to paddle round for the return
journey did we realise that we had dreamed a great distance too far. A wind had
begun to blow, waves were heaving at the rocks, and the tide had turned.
Instead of moving inshore as we swam, we saw that if anything we were drifting
away. There was a nightmare quality in the sensation that we were exhausting
ourselves simply to stay at the same distance from the shore. The mind was slow
to accept the obvious: if we didn't soon reach the projecting strip of rock
where the waves were breaking, we should drown. Gene says she thought 'I
must help John', and then realised that she couldn't. It's amazing how long
it took to sacrifice pride and dignity and yell for help. When we did begin to
bellow and shriek in harmony the figures on the shore continued to move
placidly, intent on affairs which did not contain us. They were as remote as
pictures on a wall. No one turned his head.
And then we saw
Cecil, in shirt and trousers, slipping and scrambling on the rocks. If we
didn't reach him he couldn't reach us, but the sight of him plunging about on
the jagged lumps and edges of black rock, now just under water, revived
strength we didn't know we had. Cecil stood waist deep on the farthest rock,
hanging on. We were struggling and falling amid the breakers. One by one he
hauled us out.
The Wandering Scholar
Wilfred
Ward Coupe was designed for the job of eminence grise. An observer, an adviser,
a commentator, an analyst (who denounced analysis) he resembled a bird of prey
- a mild vulture, with a cock of the head like a robin's. He lived alone,
permanently poor, reading everything worth reading in English, Spanish, German,
Greek and Latin, and spent a great deal of time at the .Forum and in Fredrick's
spacious, ill-furnished sitting room, perched on a hard chair, sucking at a
pipe.
He would remove
the pipe from his mouth, shut his nutcracker jaw, nod his narrow skull, and his
grey-blue eyes would twinkle frostily as he spoke. He relished discussion,
detailed attention to words, ideas and motives, but he would not argue. If
asked a question he would answer, given an opening he would contribute, and his
capacity to observe while listening was formidable. His interest was in what he
regarded as truth, not in people for their own sake. Where truth was hinted at,
or could be pursued, he was a terrier after a rat, but if truth was entirely
hidden beneath opinion, he would twinkle and say nothing, he would simply
listen, for as he said, 'all conversation is equally revealing'. By this he
meant that underlying what people say are a series of perceptible assumptions
which they prefer not to recognise. That he had a strong ego and a self-image
of himself as a sage will become obvious when we look at the pamphlets called
'Coupologues' which he wrote and the Forum published.
Molly did not
like Coupe. She suspected him, I think, of secret Catholic motives, as if he
were a spy. Fredrick found his scholarship and intellectual clarity invaluable,
and enjoyed his eccentricities and ironic humour.
I imagine,
although without evidence, that Coupe had a vital and reckless youth. Whatever
official qualifications he had, he didn't mention them, but his mental
equipment and his knowledge were prodigious. He was, I believe, at Oxford, but
left under a cloud, and then spent time teaching school Latin.
In the early nineteen-thirties he took off for Spain,
and stayed, teaching English, until the Civil War chased him over the border.
He was deeply read in Spanish literature, particularly Calderon, and was fond
of contrasting Calderon's uncompromising saying, in one of autos sacramentales,
'Do what is right, for God is God', with Nietzsche's tortured declaration that
'God is dead.' There's little doubt in my mind that for different reasons he
was as fond of Nietzsche as of Calderon.
It did not occur
to me that Coupe was a practising Catholic until one day a rosary fell to the
floor when he pulled out a handkerchief. He was a believer who remained at
arm's length. When in the late Forties Fredrick was on the edge of asking to be
received into the Church, Coupe advised against it, because, he said, it would
be bad for the health of the Forum. Fredrick took his advice for three years.
And then, from the time he entered the Church, work in the Forum grew less
authentic.
When members of
the Forum decided on one occasion to entertain themselves at Christmas with
charades, they chose, with typical eccentricity, to perform Dostoevsky's
'Legend of the Grand Inquisitor.
This appears as a
story told by Ivan in 'The Brothers Karamazov.' It supposes that Jesus returns
to earth when the Inquisition rules, is immediately arrested, and taken before
the Grand Inquisitor. The Legend would be a dialogue if Jesus spoke, but
although he is questioned and challenged by the Inquisitor he does not answer a
word.
The Inquisitor,
in a speech of great length and subtlety, explains that Jesus's wish that
people should awaken to his message freely and follow his teaching through
understanding and choice was a mistake based on a delusion. Human beings, he
insisted, are not as perceptive and well-intentioned as Jesus imagined, but
base, venal, ignorant and selfish. They require to be led and controlled by the
wise, who know that peace and prosperity are more important to their welfare
than freedom, which leads only to division, strife and eventual disaster.
Jesus, says the Inquisitor, cannot be allowed to raise again the hopes and
longings in these flocks of sheep and goats which have been ordered into
acquiescence by the benevolent rule and restriction of the wise, and so
protected from the bitter experience of responsibility.
The Inquisitor
explains that he and his elite company have undertaken the terrible and lonely
task of accepting responsibility on behalf of those who could not bear its
weight.
There was no
doubt in anyone's mind as to who should play the part of the Inquisitor. Coupe
was designed for it.
Who should play
the part of Jesus was the problem. It is a part that no one is capable of
playing. Actors who have attempted it have betrayed their misunderstanding of
the world. The fact that in Dostoevsky's 'Legend' Jesus remains silent
throughout requires an actor who can establish a presence that is attentive,
alert and robust while using neither words nor gestures. The fact that I cannot
remember who did in fact play the part of Jesus shows that he must have
performed either very well or very badly.
The rules of the
charade were that no known language can be employed by the Inquisitor, either.
He must express himself only by uttering the word 'Rhubarb' with every possible
variation of emphasis and meaning.
The moment Coupe
fixed his eyes on the prisoner and began to expound his thesis, we realised
that we were in the presence not merely of a Master but of the Grand Inquisitor
himself, despite the fact that he was dressed in a white sheet with black shoes
peeping out below. He had an air of magisterial authority, appalling sincerity,
and ruthless pragmatism, which for its effect of threatening power was more
alarming that all the efforts to frighten us of Boris Karloff as the Mummy and
Bela Lugosi as Dracula.
'Rhubarb'm he
said. 'Rhubarb, rhubarb', and with each rhubarb and with each pause between
rhubarbs his lonely and ascetic dedication became more deadly. But however
forceful and logical these rhubarbs became, the prisoner uttered not a single
rhubarb in reply. The effect was to cause us to question the role of authority
in the world once and for all, and to realise that freedom is the most precious
of human possibilities, to be gained and maintained only by dedicated attention
to the world as it is, and the most subtle and determined resistance to those
who would rob us of it. This, of course, was precisely against the intentions
of the Grand Inquisitor. Was it, however, the exact intention of Wilfred Ward
Coupe?
Dostoevsky's
Legend runs to a great many pages and if Coupe had delivered as many rhubarbs
as Dostoevsky delivered the contents of his dictionary, we would have been
there for more than an hour. Coupe engaged us for no more than ten minutes. It
was enough.
At the end Jesus
performs his one overt action. He moves swiftly towards the Inquisitor and
gives him a gentle kiss. The Inquisitor in this case started back in a kind of
fear, then opened the available door and Jesus departed into the dark streets
of the city - or, in point of fact, into the kitchen.
It seemed to me
that in Coupe's performance the Inquisitor's suffering was in exact proportion
to the authority he wielded, that he knew he was working in the service of the
Great Antagonist, and did this for what he regarded as the benefit of his
flock. Jesus, the Inquisitor's rhubarbs implied, should have accepted the
Adversary's temptation in the wilderness, and taken upon himself the regulation
of the world. Freedom, he insisted, was a terrible delusion, leading only to an
increase in suffering for the ordinary, the ignorant and the innocent. But we
were all aware that the powerful invariably abuse their power, and that their
efforts at total control had over the last few years come close to destroying
the world.
We were left with
a disquieting thought. Could we any longer trust Wilfred Ward Coupe to be the
wandering scholar in whom we had believed? What was the true extent of his
ambition? Could it be that an actual Inquisitor was moving among us in
disguise?
Coupe's part in
the Forum, and in its demise, will be examined under that head, but at this
point it may be helpful to summarise his own thesis, as presented with some
ironic chicanery, in the series of 'Esoteric Coupologues' which he wrote
between 1946 and '47, and which Fredrick published and sold in the Park.
Since life. Coupe claimed, is its essential nature in
a state of flux, and the intellect can only perceive by arbitrarily and
artificially arresting the flow, converting it into static concepts, the
intellectual account of the world cannot reflect reality. The intellect works
in this way because the ego - the will - seeks always to establish its own
continuity, as a single entity, out of the multiplicity of responses to events.
To Coupe the one fundamental psychological reality is the soul, which is not
susceptible to definition. The failure to understand this leads to inner
crisis.
He maintained (a
legacy from Brown) that the mind of man is being built for him by outside
forces, and that freedom can only be achieved from this relentless assault by
the restoration of innocence at the level of wisdom: that is, as the result of
by- passing the ego. The first necessary step along this way is to gain a clear
view of the origin and development of words.
His use of the
word 'esoteric' to describe his Coupologues reveals his delight in what is
hidden. He would love to have been Grand Mast of Something or Other,
influential but invisible.
Ironically, he
makes a point of denying this in the opening of the first Coupologue, 'On
Innocence.' These odd works took the form of dialogues between an imaginary
'Honest Enquirer' and 'London Forum Member', who, of course, is Coupe himself
at his most tricky and authoritative, always well supplied with the last
word.
'H.E. I
understand that you are an initiate of the London Forum. I should be most
grateful if you could spare the time to make my mind clear on a few points.
'L.F.M. I will do
all I can to help, but allow me to say that you start off under a
misapprehension. I not an initiate of the Forum. In fact the Forum has no
initiates. The term would imply that the Forum is in possession of some sort of
secret doctrine, some occult wisdom,, hidden from the generality. That is not
so; the London Forum makes no such claim. The esoteric it expounds is simply
the obvious.
'H.E. Then, if
the esoteric is so obvious, why do I not see it?
'L.F.M. The best way to hide a thing is to put it in the most obvious
place.'
Certainly the
Forum had no initiates, but it contained those who had some idea of what was
going on and many who didn't. Why, in any case, did Coupe choose the word
'esoteric' in his title.
I'd better say
here that I don't know if I was an actual member of the Forum or not. I can't
remember attending its meetings more than two or three times, but being so
closely acquainted with those who did regard themselves as regulars might
constitute some sort of membership.
Coupe starts the
process of explanation, typically, by confounding the Honest Enquirer with the
aphorism 'All use of the intellect is a misuse.' Nothing is needed, he insists,
except the ability to stop the intellect from showing you what is not
there.
At the end of the
pamphlet he summarises the argument. The mind is being built by those who
pursue knowledge (which of course is power). For understanding to be possible
knowledge has to be repudiated in favour of innocence, which at that point
becomes wisdom. Innocence allows the intellect simply to perceive what is
already given in the nature of things.
'H.E.I take it
then that knowledge exists for the sake of freedom, which is fundamentally
consciousness, and that the outcome of this work of the builders is that
innocence passes from unawareness to wisdom.
'L.F.M. It as you
say, but it is not done with the intention of the builders, who reject
innocence, which none the less becomes the cornerstone.'
That vision of
the builders is the message originally conveyed by Brown, and must be
considered the basis of the Forum's work.
Running through
the Coupologues is a sly joke in which Coupe himself is seen by the
not-always-honest-enquirer as a sinister presence, twisting the work of the
group for his own secret purposes.
In 'On Innocence'
we are told of 'a Jesuit in disguise', with Coupe referred to as 'being
numbered among your innocent ones, I suppose?' To this 'Forum Member' replies
'Well, not exactly. That is not how I should describe him.'
In the pamphlet
'On Casuistry' the Honest Enquirer tells us that 'Casuistry is verbal trickery
. . .' used by regular twisters 'like that fellow Coupe in your Forum.'
'L.F.M. You don't
seem to like Mr Coupe.
'H.E. Oh, I have
nothing against him personally. Besides, he might be quite nice to know.
Jesuits generally are. . .'
Forum Member
assures Honest Enquirer that Coupe is not a Jesuit, and that the word casuistry
has specific reference to cases of conscience.
Coupe in these
pamphlets enjoyed a sense of his significance in the Forum, which brought with
it some power, even if only exercised over a phantom enquirer. That, of course,
confirms his view that the ego must of its nature insist on asserting its own
identity.
Indeed, this is
the very point he makes at the end of 'On Casuistry'.
'H.E. What then
is Mr Coupe? Is he a casuist in the good or bad sense of the word?
'L.F.M. Insofar
as he endeavours to decipher the meaning of words in order to know what they
really have to reveal, and differentiates one from another without confusing
them with the implied reality, he works for clarity of vision, and is thus a
casuist in the good sense.
'H.E. Well, I
think he is not only a casuist, he is an egoist.
'L.F.M. Possibly
- especially if he makes his own ego one of his cases. Every attempt at
limitation is, with more or less subtlety, turned into a defence. I should not
be surprised, indeed, if Mr Coupe is not striving to make - or shall we rather
say to make out - a case for his own ego and, like the rest of us, can't quite
manage it.'
I can only
applaud.
The Joker
Laurie Hislam was
Fredrick's oldest friend among the anarchists. He had dark red hair, a red
beard, blue eyes, and rebellion written into his genes. If born in hospital he
probably howled violently at the nurse because she was wearing a uniform. It
was a hazardous venture to go out with Laurie. He argued with bus conductors,
insulted train guards, riled commissionaires and resented policemen. All this
he did with great good cheer.
Although one of the few
practical men likely to accompany Frederick on his abortive community project,
Laurie's tendency to attack any proposition which was advanced even when he
agreed with it, would make arriving at decisions an arduous process.
Laurie had a vigorous
and macabre sense of humour. At the time of the Munich crisis he went to
Downing Street carrying a small attaché case. There was a crowd waiting
for news. Laurie opened the attaché case, shouted, and threw it without
letting go. A policeman shouted 'Get down' and everyone fell to earth. A dozen
tennis balls with 'Why war?' painted on them with great care sailed into the
air and bounced harmlessly on the road. The magistrate took a jaundiced view of
this incident and Laurie spent a month in jail.
He could not resist
baiting the authorities. Conscientious objectors were given a card to return to
the place of issue if they changed their name, job, or address. Where the card
read 'I have changed my name to . . .' Laurie wrote 'Bamboozle.U' and put it in
the post box.
The jokes were not all
Laurie's. Fredrick had an old corduroy jacket of a faded green of which he was
very fond. At one point Laurie was devoid of a wearable jacket and had no money
to buy one. Oxfam shops did not exist in those days. Fredrick knew that Laurie
was both a devoted admirer of Tolstoy, and too prickly to accept cast-off
clothing. In a burst of inspiration he found a method of ensuring that Laurie
would take the jacket. He told him that the jacket had been a gift from a
Russian refugee who swore that it had once belonged to Tolstoy. Laurie wore the
jacket until it dropped to pieces.
When we left for
Scotland in January 1946, Laurie moved into our flat. His adventures when he
visited us in the Highlands will be recounted later.
The Forum
Fredrick gave different
accounts of the origins and intentions of the Forum. He said at the 1959 debate
which proved to be the beginning of the end, 'The original idea of the Forum
was - speak your mind.' It was to be a psychological and spiritual
exploration conducted in total freedom. 'The Forum was the one place where
we need not worry about expediency of conduct. That was the condition of Forum
membership.'
In Fredrick's view it
must never be a conventional discussion group, run on the lines, as he put it,
'We have a little time to spare and go along for a chin-wag. I do not regard
that as valid. What I believed about the Forum was this. There was a radical
experience which could be assisted provided it germinates in a person coming to
the Forum. My idea of the Forum is that there comes out of it a capacity to see
in a way that cannot be contradicted.' This did not mean the establishment
of some formula of belief or practice, but the effort, through examination of
the ego at work, to achieve the state of 'innocence' described by Coupe - that
is, the willingness to see what is in fact the case. A permanent ego by-pass
was never attained by anyone present, but the process certainly increased
awareness.
Fredrick's own
starting-point was the state of crisis in which he envisaged Western society to
exist in 1941. He made several efforts to describe the situation as being 'a
collapse of belief and any sense of meaning, brought about by the will . . .in
its attempt to dominate life by the intellect alone.'
'It is quite
clear,' he wrote, 'that by intellectual process we shall never get
beyond the fact that matter disappears upon analysis, that consciousness is
reduced by questioning to a dubious hypothesis, and that all expressions of
Being, Form, and Meaning are purely arbitrary devices of the ego seeking to
escape loneliness.' He probably saw Cecil as a living embodiment of this
state.
He likened the mood of
the Forum to that of existentialism - a deep disenchantment with accepted
explanations of the world in the face of war, oppression, holocaust and the
collapse of Europe, and an insistence on relating intellectual explanations of
phenomena to the reality of emotional life. 'The whole man is the primary
truth,' he said. 'Intellect must serve life, not destroy life by
analysis. Man is a responsible creature.' Coupe might have replaced thee
'whole man' with the word 'soul.'
Fredrick's 1945
lectures, and his eventual pamphlet 'The Grand Inquisitor', which embodies
them, confronted the problem that if meaning is not to be found in
investigation of the self, which disappears on examination, then it must be
found outside - but where? Not in science, not in nature: then in faith? But
faith must be based either on the discovery of objective vision, or in
revelation and the authority built on revelation.
Fredrick's psychological
situation was therefore complex, and contained intense contradictions. His
sense of vocation was the result of inner recognition, of personal insight, a
liberation into a perceived state of authenticity. This insight is seen as
having a source other than the ego. What source? There is no need to
interrogate the state too closely while the sense of vocation remains strong.
Coupe asserted that 'The service of one's vocation is a service of one's
real and true self.' And Cecil? Did he have a vocation for the destruction
of illusory concepts?
If the realisation of
vocation is a birth into freedom, then any movement towards dogmatic doctrines
and obedience to a Church or outside authority may prove to be a denial of
vocation itself.
The method which the
Forum employed was to explore the identification principle - that is, the ego's
identification with doctrines, ideals, opinions, codes, crusades,
organisations, and explanations of the world. This identification is seen as a
way of self-aggrandisement.
That is where the
contributions of Cecil and Coupe were particularly useful. Cecil's scientific
knowledge, and Coupe's scholarship, could be relied upon to provide food and
fuel. Cecil's relentless examination of statements and concepts.. which
invariably denied them reality and meaning, reinforced the message. His
nihilism seemed in itself symptomatic of the peculiar swing into spiritual
crisis.
Coupe's interrogation of
words, separating their original and developed meanings from the way in which
they were carelessly used, led in the same direction. It often seemed that
Coupe found some sort of esoteric concealed in words themselves.
A few examples can be
drawn from the 'Coupologues'. Forum Member (i.e. Coupe) remarks, 'The London
Forum never invents anything, unless you use the word 'invent' in its original
meaning of 'to find', from the Latin 'invenire.' The London Forum simply finds
what is before it.' Again, 'the root of the word 'innocence' is the Latin
intransitive verb 'noceo' and means 'I hurt', or rather 'I am harmful', but
cannot have an object, so that the sense is indeterminate. 'Innocens' is the
adjectival present participle with a negative prefix, and means to be harmless
and aimless.' Fredrick himself referred to 'primordial intuitions
expressed in language.'
The Forum approach was
once defined by Fredrick as 'provocative contradiction, drawing the ego into
the open.' That was certainly achieved. The wildest and most direct
expressions of opinion resulted from the process of interrogation - Communists,
nationalists, racists, anarchists, Zionists, humanists, atheists, pacifists,
occultists, religionists of all kinds, expressed increasingly ferocious views
and doctrines as they grew more intense. One particularly vocal individual was
devoted to the blood-and-race expositions of D.H.Lawrence, refusing to see
anything in them which resembled the doctrines of the Nazis. He returned again
and again to the place from which he started no matter how many times he was
diverted into other channels. Eventually he grew so excitable and frustrated
that he stormed out after a final explosion and was seen no more.
Nobody was immune from
investigation. Indeed, it was dangerous to make a statement. 'The ego,'
Coupe wrote, 'wills above all to assert itself. Frustrated in its direct
assault, it resorts to cunning.' The efforts of opinionators to dodge and
twist in order to retain self-respect in the fact of relentless probing was
often a sad, painful, or embarrassing spectacle. But it was soon realised that
to humiliate a participant was to lose his attention forever; and whenever a
speaker felt triumphant, authenticity was lost. Pride, vanity, despair,
struggled in the dark. Many - most, I think - did not fully understand what was
going on. They wanted to be told to believe and what to do, and when they were
not told, resented it, and grew angry. They flew up against analysis when it
was directed against their own views, and since analysis as a method was
continually criticised, they had ample justification. Justification, of course,
increases resentment, and the most dangerous form of indignation is the
righteous kind.
How much good did all
this do? How much light shone on the assembled company? Not much, in many
cases, because the ego is adroit at rebuilding shattered walls in different
designs. Destruction of opinion only leads to authentic insight when a gift
arrives suddenly 'from the ceiling', as Thornton Wilder put it. Coupe
said that he regarded the work of the Forum as 'the recovery of lost
innocence.' He never achieved such innocence himself, and I certainly
didn't. But awareness increased, and the possibility of waking up and seeing
something as it really is became more than a possibility. Fredrick referred to
the work as the process of 'breaking open mind.' This is revealing and
accurate. Speaking personally, I took away from the Forum a habit that has
proved invaluable. Let's call it the pursuit of uncomfortable light.
Always painfully honest,
Fredrick remarked, 'From the beginning I hoped that the Forum would reveal
something which I lacked', and 'The Forum is a living thing. We are all
subject to our own natures and temperaments. I do not think anyone here is a
standard for anyone else. I am subject to moods and doubts; as we develop in
understanding the ground can often be shaky.'
At its best the Forum
was undoubtedly a living thing - living noisily at times - which in its
acrobatic performances gave attenders unforgettable visions of the ego at work.
They could not afterwards free themselves from the inner witness which observed
the play. Indeed, the discovery of that inner witness in individuals was the
purpose of the community.
The Idealist.
André Wendt
was born in Germany of a German father and a French mother. At the time when it
was fashionable for young Germans to join a youth movement and roam the
countryside wearing shorts and a rucksack, singing open-air songs, André
joined the Röte Falken, a Leftish body soon to be attacked by the Hitler
Youth.
André was a
determined idealist whose heart refused to countenance evil. He was drawn
towards the anarchists because they believed obstinately in the natural
goodness of man and his ability to co-operate in freedom. André's hero
was Erich Müehsam, an anarchist poet who' ended his days hanging in a
lavatory after being interrogated by the Gestapo.
When Communists
and Nazis fought in the streets André didn't join in. He didn't believe
that fighting solved problems. Hitler was voted into power, and that was the
end of voting. Before long everyone connected with the German anarchist
movement, or with Rote Falken, or with pacifism, was arrested. André,
not one to conceal his opinions, was eventually sent to the concentration camp
at Dachau.
Dachau was not
then the hell-hole it later became. Clandestine contact with the outside world
as still possible. André received word through the grapevine that any
inmate who volunteered for the Army would be released from the camp. Once in
the Army, the underground would be able to smuggle him out of Germany.
André, the most unlikely possible recruit, was nonetheless accepted, and
became a temporary soldier. A few months later he was spirited over the border
into the Netherlands.
To be in the
Netherlands was one thing. To be accepted by the Dutch authorities was quite
another. André had no papers, the Dutch did not feel safe with an
aggressive German regime as neighbour, and anti-Nazi refugees without papers
were not joyfully received.
The Dutch put him
in jail for a month, then pushed him across the border into Belgium. The
Belgians thought this procedure neat, and repeated it, making a present of
André to the French, who popped him into prison for a month and then
slid him back into Belgium. Soon after this the German invasion began nd in the
confusion no one cared about papers. André^ found himself on a boat for
England. The British authorities, with iron lack of humour, interned him as an
enemy alien.
André was
an authority on the prisons of Europe. His blithe innocence and optimism were
proof against bureaucratic efforts to destroy illusions and he did not dwell on
hardship. His comments on the European prison systems were brief and to the
point: the Dutch were harsh and Germanic; the Belgians slovenly; French prisons
freer and more careless, but dirty; the food in Wormwood Scrubs (which he
eventually visited) was poor, but the warders were 'human beings.'
André^ had an odd guttural trick in pronouncing the word 'human' which
gave it impressive emphasis.
Released from
internment, André was set to work on the land, and found friends in
Derbyshire. While labouring for a local farmer he lived with Jeanne and Peter
Ecker, near Breaston. Jeanne was Dutch, and Peter's father had been German. I
met Peter while working in the coal-mines. We lived in a back street by a
railway-line in Nottingham, and Peter was manager of a firm which manufactured
electrical wiring, a few hundred yards from our house,
Jeanne was the
warmest and most hospitable woman in the Midlands and André was in rich
clover. Working on a farm didn't trouble him at all. What did trouble him was
the future of humanity. He wanted to cure the race of its inclination to
internecine murder and its persistent power mania.
We were back in
London when André decided that with the war in Europe drawing to a close
he must set out at once, immediately, or sooner, to reform the world. While
hoeing, digging, humping and heaving, he had dreamed himself into the notion of
setting up a community in the German wilderness known as Luneberg Heath, which
he had explored while tramping with the Rote Falken in his youth. This was to
be the Headquarters of his crusade. He did not know that the place had been
transformed since he visited it. André would not have been impressed by
ironises of that kind.
Not being
accustomed to waiting for official permission before taking action, he
disappeared from Breaston and reappeared on the doorstep of our basement flat
in Kentish Town. He was armed with the English text of the pamphlet which was
to launch 'Freundschaft', his movement of transformation. This pamphlet was to
be printed in London and distributed to everyone everywhere. Who was to pay for
the venture? Well, all and sundry. He had enough money to print a thousand
copies, so why worry?
What he had not
paused to consider was that by leaving his authorised occupation he immediately
became an enemy alien on the loose, and our address was on the pamphlets.
One day as he was
entering Kentish Town underground station with a pile of pamphlets under his
arm, two large plain-clothes police officers approached and took him into
custody. André^ was eventually consigned to Wormwood Scrubs for three
months.
We had a visit
from Special Branch. When they arrived I was wearing a dressing-gown and felt
like a poor man's Noel Coward. The Inspector was all in brown - brown hat,
brown overcoat, brown suit, brown shoes. The Sergeant was all in grey. My
dressing gown was blue.
The Inspector was
matey and did all the talking. The Sergeant was impassive and took notes. When
at last they reached the point which they had been approaching by a circuitous
route, they both became exceedingly grave, as befits guardians of the law
investigating a possible underground network of Nazi agents.
The Inspector had
in his possession, he said, a signed statement by Peter Ecker to the effect
that he and I had conspired to conceal the whereabouts of André Wendt. I
did not have the sense to ask to see the document, which did not exist, but any
cunning plan to conceal Andrés whereabouts would be doomed to failure by
our address on the pamphlets.
The policemen
decided that we were not after all Nazi conspirators, and cast about for
another scenario. They began to question us on the lines that we must be
Communists. This did not draw blood. When the Inspector leaned forward and shot
out the accusation 'So you're a Trotskyist!' I began to see the humour of the
situation; he looked so proud at knowing the word.
In the end the
Inspector decided that I was a harmless lunatic and abandoned the case to his
Sergeant, who arrived one day at the Citizens' Advice Bureau where I was
working, and presented me with a summons.
He was very
affable while we waited outside the Court room. The magistrate asked me why I
had done what I had done and I replied that André was a friend, and we
had put him up. Although his proposed crusade was unlikely to transform the
world, it would have been ungenerous to discourage him. I don't know what the
magistrate thought of this, but he fined me more than I could afford.
By the time that a
bearded André, looking like a dedicated monk, emerged from Wormwood
Scrubs, we had moved from Kentish Town to 170 Westbourne Terrace, and he joined
us there, occupying the attic next to Stephen Peet, and immediately proved his
usefulness by providing the recipe for a form of potato cake with onions which
he called Reibekuchen, and cooking them himself.
André's
peaceful recuperation in a congenial nest of anarchists was invaded suddenly by
a tempest from the Continent in the form of Leah van Loen. Leah was the only
person I've met who really frightened me. Her very presence petrified
André, rendering him helpless, a rabbit confronted by a stoat.
She was intense,
dedicated, and a Communist. Her face was a thin slice of determination, her
gaze targeted. If you were her target - look out! Her will-power would shake
down pyramids. What she wanted, she got. No power, organisation, individual or
code of behaviour would stand in her way. It's lucky she didn't want to be
dictator of the world.
At that moment she
just wanted André. To Leah, he was lost property. As soon as the war in
Europe ended she made plans to invade Britain and recapture him. She had worked
throughout the German occupation in the Dutch resistance, and survived. She was
accustomed to finding unorthodox means to an end. She learned that a batch of
Dutch children were to be sent to Britain to recuperate from near starvation. A
few adults would accompany them as supervisors. She determined to be one of
those adults.
As soon as the
group reached London she found some excuse for leaving her duties and made
herself inconvenient to both Dutch and British authorities. She was temporarily
free in London and descended on André like a fiery angel. How did she
find him? I can only guess that he must have made the mistake of writing to
her, and when she pounced on André she pounced on us.
The moment Leah
appeared André became a helpless passenger on her battleship. Laughter
and good cheer vanished. He stopped making toys and telling stories, he stopped
cooking Bavarian dishes of ineffable plainness. He awaited the inevitable like
a zombie in thrall to a wizard.
To share a
dwelling with Leah can Loen was like having a djinn in the house. Her eyes were
black and glittering, her nose and intellect sharp, her determination as hard
as basalt. She not only besieged the representatives of the Dutch government,
she haunted the Home Office. I can imagine how she dealt with the efforts of
dedicated procrastinators to thwart her intentions, and to stall the engine of
her will. She simply bent on them the full intensity of her regard. There was
no hiding place in the Ministry of Circumlocution. She was not one of those
egoists who refuse to listen to what you say. She listened with glittering
restraint, then simply demolished your arguments, cutting through verbiage like
a demonic chain-saw.
André had
no passport, no Dutch papers, no rights, no proven nationality. All the same
and notwithstanding she took him to Holland where he had no right to be, and
established him there whether he or they liked it or not. She taught everyone
who encountered her that the impossible can not only be done but can be
achieved at speed. It was simply easier to accede to her request than to endure
her unrelenting assault. Our sympathy with André was swept aside by
relief at seeing the back of Leah van Loen.
What happened to
André? Peter and Jeanne Ecker tracked him down some years later and
reported only that he was no longer the André they had known - full of
energy, idealism and goodwill. He had been sucked dry. No Freundchaft, no
Luneberg Heath, no salvation for mankind.
A Floating Life.
Alfred Perlès was born in Vienna
in 1897. His father was Austrian, his mother French. Fred claimed, too, 'a
considerable number of Jewish grandmothers.' What better recipe for a
cosmopolitan wanderer, who said that as a boy he had lived in a big house which
he could never think of as home. He insisted that he had never had a home
since. Maybe. But he had a remarkable ability to attune to any atmosphere, and
to settle down anywhere, like a chameleon that can grow visible or invisible at
will. That is a talent which could be called 'making yourself at home.'
Fred said that not only did he serve as
an officer cadet in the Austrian Army during the First World War, but had been
court-martialled for not giving the order to fire during an enemy attack. He
explained that he did not want to mow down his mother's relatives. If that is
true then the story contains multiple ironies, because this natural pacifist
and Taoist managed to serve in three armies in one lifetime - Austrian, British
and American, without either shooting anyone or even going so far as to shout
rude words at the foe. He wrote of personal conflict, 'Fighting never settled
anything, it only leaves a bad taste in your mouth.'
Fred's father chanced to be born in a
part of Austrian territory which after 1918 was transferred to the
newly-invented Czecho-Slovakia, so conferring on Fred a Czech passport, with
which he travelled from Vienna to Paris. He travelled to Paris because ration
cards in Vienna failed to secure enough food to make you spry, and because
money bought nothing as there was nothing in the shops.
He learned with alacrity how to live on
his wits, and how to do so in French. Getting food was his problem, women were
his resource. He did not so much exploit them as appreciate their generosity.
Also, he washed up in restaurants, served as a barman, sponged on friends,
wrote pieces for transitory journals, edited the magazine of a Golf Club,
destroying it in the process by printing the poems and jokes of literary
acquaintances, acted as agent for a cabaret dancer, then as secretary to the
backer of an unsuccessful revue, and eventually as proof reader on the Paris
edition of the 'Chicago Tribune.'
Some time in the late 1920s he
suddenly, as he put it, 'came to'. He was moving about as usual, in pursuit of
the wherewithal, when he found himself wide awake, alarmingly aware of his
position in the world, of his surroundings both immediate and distant, and
therefore of the inanity of his life. He had described himself on his passport
as 'homme de lettres' because he thought that would boost him in the eyes of
the French authorities, but what, he asked himself, was he doing about
justifying the claim. What had he written except begging letters, an outline
story for a comic film, and fugitive pieces about fugitive subjects in fugitive
periodicals? Nothing.
The decision to take literary action
was not a financial one, but a declaration of intent, the announcement of inner
need. As he said in his article 'Why I Write' - written for another fugitive
periodical - 'The vocation of the writer is so deep-rooted, so deeply embedded
in the fabric of the unconscious, that no radar can locate it.' 'Its chief
concern,' he added, is 'to sponge on the Source'. God is the only genuine
creator, and our job is to 'give Him a hand.'
Embarking on a literary as distinct
from a merely Bohemian life (for which a Czech passport must be some excuse),
was helped by his meeting with Henry Miller in the year 1928. Miller at that
time was a tourist jaunting through Europe. In 1930 when he returned to settle
in Paris and began banging away on his ancient typewriter, they formed an
alliance, sharing money when they had any, and inventing schemes to get it when
broke.
Fred started writing in French, which
he found elegantly congenial, and published two books in Paris. Neither
provided more than a few square meals, but at least they proved him both
'ecrivain' and 'homme de lettres.'
Shortly before the Second World War
broke out, he crossed to England, in pursuit of the latest young woman. Miller,
who disapproved of the land of warm beer, 'gentleman's relish', immigration
officers and hypocrisy (he was officially regarded in Britain as a
pornographer) took off first for Greece and then the U.S.A.
Fred stayed in London, and in less time
than it takes to read 'Through the Looking Glass' became, as he put it,
'British to the core', buying a tweed jacket, a country landowner's hat, and a
reassuring pipe. He grew fastidious about pipes, frequenting a famous shop in
the West End and gathering about him a varied array of these expensive
ornaments. He was always alert about clothes and social customs, not only
becoming a connoisseur of beer, but thoroughly approving tea, going to the
length of learning an ancient Chinese poem in English translation celebrating
the fluid for its spiritual qualities.
He wrote, tongue in cheek, in one of
those lengthy open letters to Henry Miller, that tea, after hemlock, was the
most important beverage concocted by man. Once, in Paris, when we experienced
withdrawal symptoms at four in the afternoon, he despatched us immediately to
the cafe above W.H.Smith's bookshop, where we were revived by supplies of the
brew, accompanies by squashy cakes. Fred did not join us.
He skated with consummate ease into
writing idiomatic English, with a perfect ear for what are Americanisms and
what are local oddities of dialect. His facility with languages was uncanny - a
word which he would greatly appreciate. To argue with him about the meaning or
spelling of a given English word, or about the grammatical construction of a
sentence, was to invite humiliation. Recourse to the dictionary or Fowler
always proved him to be right. He cherished cliches and common phrases, which
he used continually, sprinkling his conversation with satirical but
affectionate locutions such as 'now, at once, immediately', or 'I, myself,
personally,' or 'You've got to use your noodle'. He was fond of saying with
supreme dignity that 'a man of my standing' could not stoop to this or that. He
called florins 'big white ones', and shillings 'little white ones.' He enjoyed
'come uppance', 'make no bones about it' and such like. As soon as we landed in
a foreign country he would say 'Let me do the talking', and did so, whatever
the language required. He spoke fluent German, French, English, and Greek, and
impressed the natives in both Spanish and Italian. The only language he refused
to learn was Turkish, because the Turks pinched his typewriter when they
invaded northern Cyprus, where Fred was living at the time.
He was adept at acquiring an affection
for whatever place he found himself in, and wrote about England that while in
France you are always 'un sale etranger', in London you are a friend, claiming
that it was wonderful being an alien in that city. I doubt if this was ever
true. It certainly isn't today, but it was for Fred. He always found treasure
wherever he looked.
He had no sympathy at all for the
Nazis, but refused to see an enemy in every German. Nonetheless, in 1940 he
joined the British Army, and wrote an account of his experiences in 'Alien
Corn' (1944). Since he was not a British subject he was directed into the
Pioneer Corps, where he served his time.
Typical of his attention to social
detail, he reported for duty carrying a copy of the populist Daily Sketch, in
order to be inconspicuous, only to find that the other distinguished foreigners
gathered for enlistment were reading The Times, The Manchester Guardian or The
Daily Telegraph.
One of the many and varied places in
which his section of that strange company were stationed was a camp in southern
Scotland, between Dumfries and Moffatt. There he met Anne Barrett from Patna in
Ayrshire, a shrewd, forbearing and downright woman of high intelligence and
great efficiency, who guided him through many difficulties for the rest of his
life, in particular steering him away from any alcohol overdose which would
make him ineffably amorous in an unsuitable quarter.
The members of the coterie to which
Fred had belonged in Paris did not approve of Anne. Henry Miller disliked her,
possibly because she considered Fred's admiration and affection for Miller
himself to be excessive. Lawrence Durrell went further. He despised her. They
thought she constricted Fred and drained him of his creative juices. There was
in this an element of contempt for bourgeois respectability, and an element of
jealousy. His friends tended to underestimate Fred. He gave no sign of
resenting this. Anne resented it on his behalf. As her influence waxed, theirs
waned.
Fred knew very well that his days as an
amoral predator were over, and accepted Anne for what she was - a sharp/a
practical observer with a keen, ironic sense of humour and both feet firmly on
the ground. He remained, as always, loyal to his friends, and discarded no one.
But he kept the balance. He knew when he was well off. Many otherwise
intelligent people never make that discovery.
They did not marry until 1971, but when
he went overseas with the Army, and was instructed to adopt a British surname
in case he was captured by the Germans, Fred chose 'Barret', removing a 't'
from the name of Anne's former husband, always referred to by Fred as 'my
predecessor', but rarely referred to at all by Anne. She herself was referred
to as 'my spouse'. As a writer he remained Alfred Perlès. Dual identity
suited him.
The only thing of practical value he
learned in the Army was how to clear windows. Once when I was cleaning ours in
Scotland, Fred clapped his hands over his ears and begged for mercy. The
excruciating squeak-expletives of leather on glass set his nerves twitching.
Ordered to clear windows in the Pioneer Corps he discovered that wet newspaper
followed by dry newspaper rendered windows non-squeaky clean at unlikely speed.
I've used the method myself ever since, and never clean windows without
thinking of Fred. (A spoonful of vinegar in the water helps).
In 1940 I read Fred's highly
autographical story 'I Live on My Wits' in the newly established literary
monthly 'Horizon.' Its insouciance, humour and vitality were engaging. In 1943
came his novel 'The Renegade', again a short whisker from being autobiography,
which had the same affable, anarchistic zest.
Back from the coal-mines and working in
London in 1944, I started my own short-lived review (which Fredrick sold with
some success in the Park) and wrote to Fred, via his publisher, for an article
on Louis-Ferdinand Celine, the literary outlaw whose 'Voyage au Bout de la
Nuit' had blown a hole in French literary tradition during the
nineteen-thirties. Celine had been accused of collaborating with the Nazis,
which I found at once distressing and incredible. Fred seemed to me the only
man in the country likely to write with knowledge and understanding about
Celine. Although immersed in the Army, without books or facilities, he wrote
the article, and was paid.
When we first met he was in uniform -
small, spry, light-bodied, impish, amiable, with delicate hands and a
sensitive, expressive face. The Miller circle regarded him as a clown, and
called him 'Joey'. He could certainly behave as a clown for their delectation,
but he wasn't one. Indeed, he proved wiser than any of them. He was a
combination of chameleon and kelly. A kelly is a lead-weighted toy which
bounces back if you try to push it over. As Gene said 'a chameleon changes
colour but is still a chameleon.' Fred remained exactly Fred whatever colour he
took on.
Discharged from the Pioneer Corps in
1945 he had nowhere in London to live, and was content to occupy one of our
spartan attic rooms at 170, Westbourne Terrace. He as accustomed to attics, but
not to civilian rations, and was shaken when confronted with sober delicacies
like Marmite and André's reibekuchen. This was a time of radical
rationing, when Chancellor Stafford Cripps took great pleasure in lecturing
people on tightening their belts, even if they were female or wearing braces.
Fred swiftly adapted to his habitat,
and settled down to produce his four pages a day, which he announced to be the
correct output for a man of his standing. The problem was to earn some money
now, at once, immediately. He published a story or two in the popular pocket
magazine 'Lilliput', famous in its day but forgotten now, but plots were not
his metier, and he got a job as an international telephone operator, slipping
niftily from language to language, and keeping scrupulously under his country
gentleman's hat all the highly confidential information he gained, which
included the contents of conversations between members of the Royal family. He
often worked on the night-shift and since Gene and I both had day jobs we often
saw him only for his toast and Marmite.
Fred took little interest in the
activities of the Forum, and treated Fredrick with caution, as one should avoid
dangerous fireworks, but individuals who appeared and disappeared were
appreciated for whatever oddities they offered. He particularly enjoyed Cecil
Smelt, although I'm not sure why, referring often in later years to Cecil's
exposition of entropy. I think the word appealed to him. Besides, the idea of
the world running down was stored away for use at appropriate moments as
metaphor or fairy lore.
Fred didn't need to count his
blessings, he just accepted them as free gifts from above, but was determined
that we should celebrate ours when the chance came. Fred was present when I got
a letter telling me that my first book had been accepted, with some misgivings,
by the Bodley Head.
'We'll go and tell Gene,' he announced.
'Now, at once, immediately, without delay.'
We set out for Farringdon Street, where
she was working for the Amalgamated Press. We waited until she emerged for
lunch, then. Fred not only made the announcement, but executed a short,
extravagant dance in the street, which involved extensive use of arms as well
as legs.
One day out of the blue he told us that
he had joined the American Army. When he appeared in uniform, he looked for the
fist time since we had known him unsuitably dressed. In British uniform he was
anonymously unsoldierly, but at ease. In American uniform he became,
incredibly, "a foreigner.'
It was in this disguise that he
returned to the broken countries of Europe. He had joined for a specific job,
which he must wear uniform to perform. He was interpreter from German and
French into English, from English into American, and from American into German,
making as usual no bones about it.
But as the weeks and months went by he
suffered from increasing bewilderment and unease about American extravagance
and profligacy. The Army kitchen threw out good food while all around them in
ruined German cities people were close to starvation. This was not due to
cruelty, or even indifference, but, according to Fred, just lack of
imagination. They could not, he said, conceive of endemic shortages, and,
besides, this food was the property of the Army and could not be awarded to
civilians. Fred was not impressed by these rules. He spirited away tins of meat
and fruit and awarded it to civilians. No one seemed to notice. Or perhaps they
winked one eye at a time.
When he came home he awarded us the
Iron Cross. He had found a drawer full of these items in an abandoned German
Army office. In the book he wrote about this trip, 'Round Trip' (1946) he
describes a conversation with a Belgian intellectual who was investing
spiritual capital in the healing power of democracy. Fred told this political
gentleman that every free human being must be an anarchist at heart, able to
envisage the possibility of order without rule. But of course, he said, it
won't come about. We would all have to have grown into balanced beings to make
a theoretical possibility solid. So he finished by telling the Belgian that
although the concept of anarchy is born from spiritual wisdom, it itself is
neither politics nor wisdom, adding that the greatest criminals of all time
were despotic rulers, but these deluded fellows were just shadow actors in a
nightmare. They have, he declared, no power over the spirit. Fred was always
willing to play the fool by being serious.
By the time he returned from his second
sojourn in shattered Europe, we had left Westbourne Terrace for the Highlands.
His adventures there will be described later.
The Film Man
Despite being the younger son of the
editor of that sober Quaker journal 'The Friend', Stephen Peet never became a
Quaker, but he sojourned, as I did, at a co-educational Quaker boarding school
in Somerset, called Sidcot.
This is not the place to examine that
interesting and benevolent establishment, the interior life of which was so
different from that which its mentors imagined it to be.
It was an institution which suited
Stephen. He was allowed to be what he was, and not someone else's stereotype.
He and Taffy Morgan drew a huge and accurate map of Spain in the Sixth Form
room, and daily moved a string skewered by pins to indicate the changing (and
deteriorating) position of the Republican lines in the Civil War as reported to
the News Chronicle.
Stephen was also one of the main
contributors to the enormous blackboard covered with cartoons, jokes, verses,
and comments, all welcome provided that someone thought them funny or
enlightening. Inferior efforts were dustered off as a replacement became
available, and the changing magazine was the first thing to be examined by
anyone who came into the room. All contributions were anonymous. No teacher had
the heart or the courage to wipe away such creative extravagance in order to
further orthodox learning.
Stephen also managed to make a film
which he showed at a school entertainment. It was a precursor of Disney's
Fantasia, in that it consisted of a series of patterned shapes and colours
which jerked and oscillated across the screen. It indicated things to come
since Stephen remained a film-maker all his wandering life.
He not only married Olive Newbery, a
beautiful and highly intelligent girl who was a younger contemporary of ours at
Sidcot, he kept in touch with old scholars everywhere, and since he visited
everywhere, this enabled him to find a bed and breakfast in the wildest,
weirdest and most unlikely places on the globe.
When I say 'kept in touch' I don't mean
by writing letters. Never. He was a dedicated telephonist and when he rang up
out of the ether after an absence of a month, a year, or three years, the
question 'Where are you?' might be answered 'At home' or 'Rhodesia', 'Norway',
'Sudan', 'Germany' or - well, anywhere.
When War began Stephen joined the
Friends' Ambulance Unit, and for some months we shared a room in the London
Students' Hostel until I went into the coal-mines and Stephen departed as a
uniformed medical orderly to Crete.
He remembered with the clarity of a
recurring dream a stark picture of the German invasion of Crete. He stepped out
of a building into the sudden snap of rifle fire just in time to see a German
soldier take aim at a British soldier running for refuge beside a wall. The
German fired. The British soldier fell and rolled over. The German threw down
his rifle and pelted through the firing to lift the British soldier on his back
and carry him to safety.
Stephen was taken prisoner in Crete and
worked first as a medical orderly in a hospital for the wounded, and was then
transferred to a prisoner-of-war camp in Germany. A few months ago he sent back
to me the letters I had written to him in the camp.I did not remember them or
even that I had ever written letters to the camp. They were full of jokes,
often bad.
The camp was like other camps and the
events like those recorded by many prisoners-of-war. But as the conflict moved
in jerks and bursts towards its hungry end, the inmates grew increasingly
worried by the fact that they were closer to the advancing Russians than to the
advancing Allies. The German guards were even more jumpy than the inmates.
One day the inmates awoke and there was
no roll-call, no guards, no food. The Germans had fled in the night.
This was a time now forgotten. The
stories of those who lived through it have not been recorded; they have
vanished into the limbo where all untold stories, and therefore true history,
must vanish. Poland, Germany and Russia were ravaged by war and tainted by mass
murder. Forced labourers, concentration camp survivors, foreign conscripts,
prisoners-of-war, civilian refugees, lost bodies and lost minds were
criss-crossing Europe in search of food, safety, troops of their own
nationality, or simply someone or some place they recognised from a broken
past. Home to one group was alien territory to another; they passed and
re-passed each other on their trek to anywhere which was not the place where
they stood.
The British prisoners wanted to move
West before soldiers from the East reached their camp. If Russians marched in,
how long would it be before anyone informed the Allies of their existence?
Would the Russians bother to repatriate them at all?
Poles in the camp, and the local
villagers were even more worried, and with good reason. Both groups shared a
common fear of the Russians. In the circumstances the British and the villagers
saw each other as neighbours rather than enemies. The villagers took prisoners
into their homes and fed them.
Then by one of the accidents that w