Metternich
by Simon King

 

 

There was a lovely view of the harbour in Brighton. There were ships in the distance, with about twenty-eight vessels in sight. This was a view which Klemens von Metternich enjoyed every day, from his new home in 42 Brunswick Terrace. It was a very quiet life, a complete volte-face from what he had been accustomed to. He wrote and received letters, read the newspapers and accepted an invitation to join the Brighton Conservative Club.

 

Revolution had broken out over most of Europe in 1848, having initiated in France. Metternich, chancellor of the Austrian empire since 1821, fled for his life. He settled in England, a country which had no revolts of any sort during this period. Metternich had been one of the chief architects of The Congress of Vienna. It was his primary objective to preserve peace all over Europe. It had been his primary objective to contain revolutionary revolt, after the turmoil of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic wars. He had largely succeeded – until now, when the liberal revolutions had spread over most of Europe.

 

Yes, England had been unaffected by this. Metternich enjoyed the quiet alongside his wife Melanie. The Duke of Devonshire gave balls at his house in Brighton. Members of the Royal Family visited. Metternich had been Wellington’s guest at Stratfield Sage. Lord Palmerston visited his house in Brighton, but they did not get along. Disraeli visited and gave him an excellent analysis of the current state of affairs in Europe. He enjoyed Disraeli’s company; he had a good attitude towards Austria and towards conserving a traditional Europe.

 

Metternich enjoyed spending time in the magnolia tree in his garden. He was eating an orange. He was talking to Lord Alfred Hervey, a Conservative MP who served for Brighton at this moment in time. Metternich talked to Hervey, as he ate each segment of the fruit.

 

‘So, no revolution in England,’ Hervey said.

 

‘No, none at all,’ Metternich, as he touched his frizzy hair and scratched his long nose. ‘Yes, this is what I value about your country – it is less interested in the abstractions of liberalism and nationalism. I admire its focus on practicality and in tradition.’

 

‘It did have a civil war in the mid-17th century,’ Hervey interjected. ‘It killed its king and abolished the house of lords, but they later reinstated these things. Its glorious revolution later on in the century was a more restrained affair.’

 

‘Yes, it was,’ Metternich replied.

 

 ‘So, what has happened in Hungary with Kossuth?’ asked Hervey.

 

‘Well, he was a liberal and a nationalist who advocated for an independent Hungary,’ Metternich replied. ‘They even started issuing their own currency and demanded a parliamentary government for Hungary. He declared independence from the Habsburg empire. We have been financially strained, so we called in the Russian army to quash the revolution, which they did. Kossuth, like myself, also visited England.’

 

‘Yes, he learned English when he was reading Shakespeare in an Austrian prison,’ Hervey retorted.

 

‘Yes, but he was defeated nonetheless.’

 

‘And France? This is where these revolutions started.’ Hervey asked.

 

‘I fainted when revolution broke out in 1830, but this time the revolutions were worse. My politics were shaped by the convulsions of the French revolution and by Napoleon rampaging through Europe. This time, the revolutions led to the collapse of the July Monarchy and to the foundation of the second republic. It has sparked off the revolutions in the rest of Europe and has led to the resignations of Louise-Phillipe and Guizot.’

 

‘What about Prussia and Germany?’ Hervey asked.

 

‘The revolutions stressed pan-Germanism, liberalism and parliamentarianism,’ Metternich replied. ‘It was a revolt against the largely autocratic structure of the thirty-nine independent states of the confederation of the Rhine. The middle-class were more committed to liberalism whilst the working class were more concerned with improving working conditions. Once more, however, the threat was vanquished.’

 

‘And Italy?’ Hervey inquired.

 

‘There were desires for liberal government and national unification,’ Metternich continued. He had been holding orange peel in his hands for a while. ‘The north is largely under control so, like Hungary, they want to break away. The Italians desired freedom of the press and other liberal reforms inspired by the most recent French revolution.’

 

‘Of course, you censored the press and the arts,’ Hervey interjected.

 

‘Yes, I did,’ Metternich retorted. ‘Anyway, they wanted to unify the various Italian states into a single nation. There was an uprising in Sicily and in Austrian-controlled Lombardy. They forced the Austrian army into a retreat. Venice declared itself a republic and joined the revolt against Austria. Piedmont joined, too. However, Garibaldi, Albert of Sardinia, Giuseppe et. al. failed to achieve Italian unification. They did not achieve their liberal reforms and we retained our territory.’

 

‘So, what is the state of affairs in Austria now?’ Hervey asked, leaning over the magnolia tree.

 

‘Well, Kolowrat took over for a bit,’ Metternich continued. ‘I had always focused on foreign affairs whilst he focused on the economy. We clashed a lot whilst we were in office – his liberal views clashed with my conservatism. However, he did not last long as minister-president.’

 

‘He was replaced by Schwarzenberg.’

 

‘Yes, he has been a much more effective leader. He has restored the Habsburg empire. He rejected the Frankfurt parliament, which called for a unified German state. It was a major blow for the German revolutions of this period. His policies suppressed revolutionary movements. As I said, he has been very effective.’

 

‘So, the revolutions, for a moment, looked like they might succeed,’ Hervey replied. ‘But they have all blown over. None of their demands have been met. So, although you left in ignominy, you seem to have succeeded. The revolutions broke out with a vengeance, but they withered away. As I said, you seem to have triumphed, but it is a pyrrhic victory.’

 

‘Yes, it has been good that we have had this period of unprecedented peace and stability over the last few decades. After this blip, it will hopefully continue,’ Metternich stated. After he said this, he withdrew his arms from the magnolia tree and turned his gaze to the harbour. He observed the ships in the distance and felt comforted.

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